When Marco Rubio stepped off the plane in San Salvador on February 7, 2025, he didn’t just begin a diplomatic tour—he launched a new era in U.S. foreign policy. For the first time in over 100 years, a U.S. Secretary of State chose the Western Hemisphere for their inaugural overseas trip. The move, deliberate and dramatic, was framed not as a routine visit but as a declaration: Americas First isn’t just a slogan. It’s the new compass.
A Century of Neglect, Now Reversed
Historically, U.S. Secretaries of State have treated Latin America as a secondary concern—something to tidy up after crises in the Middle East or Asia. Marco Rubio, 54, made it clear this era is over. In a January 30 op-ed in The Wall Street Journal, he wrote: "U.S. diplomats have neglected the Western Hemisphere for too long." The timing was no accident. He’d just been confirmed in early February, and within days, he was airborne, heading to five nations: El Salvador, Guatemala, Costa Rica, Panama, and the Dominican Republic.
It wasn’t just symbolic. It was strategic. The Biden administration had prioritized climate summits in Europe and nuclear talks with China. Rubio flipped the script. "When Donald Trump won his sweeping victory in November," he wrote, "he received a mandate to put America first. In diplomacy, that means paying closer attention to our own neighborhood."
The Cartels, the Canals, and the Communist Party
Security dominated every stop. Rubio didn’t mince words. He called Mexican drug cartels—specifically the Sinaloa Cartel and the Jalisco New Generation Cartel—"foreign terrorist organizations," a designation President Trump signed into effect just weeks before. The shift wasn’t rhetorical. It meant U.S. intelligence assets, sanctions, and military aid could now be deployed under counterterrorism authorities.
But the real tension simmered in Panama. On February 10, in the shadow of the Panama Canal, Rubio confronted what he called "the most insidious threat": Chinese economic coercion. "The Chinese Communist Party doesn’t send soldiers," he said. "It sends loans, ports, and contracts. And then it expects silence when we speak up for democracy." He referenced Beijing’s growing influence over port operations and logistics hubs near the canal, warning that "sovereign nations are being turned into vassal states through debt and dependency."
Winners and Losers: The Trump Doctrine in Action
Rubio didn’t just lecture—he handed out carrots and sticks. "Some countries are cooperating with us enthusiastically—others, less so," he told reporters in Guatemala. "The former will be rewarded. As for the latter, Mr. Trump has already shown he’s more than willing to use America’s leverage. Just ask Colombia’s President Gustavo Petro."
That was a clear warning shot. Petro, a leftist leader who has repeatedly criticized U.S. drug policy and resisted extradition requests, has seen aid frozen and trade talks stall since January. Meanwhile, El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele—once a pariah for his authoritarian tactics—was praised for cracking down on gangs and cooperating on border security. U.S. aid to El Salvador surged by 40% last quarter.
Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau, a veteran of Trump’s first term and former ambassador to Mexico, traveled with Rubio. His presence signaled continuity—and a willingness to use hardball tactics honed during the 2018–2021 trade war with Mexico.
Why This Matters Beyond the Hemisphere
This trip wasn’t just about Central America. It was a signal to Beijing, Moscow, and even European allies: The U.S. is reorienting. No longer will Latin America be a backchannel for global negotiations. It’s now a frontline.
The Americas Society/Council of the Americas (AS/COA), which tracks U.S. cabinet visits, confirmed this was the first of at least six high-level trips planned for 2025. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth is headed to Colombia in March. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick will tour Central American free trade zones in April. This isn’t a one-off—it’s a campaign.
For ordinary citizens, the stakes are personal. Fentanyl deaths linked to cartels have surged 37% in the past year, according to CDC data. Migrant apprehensions at the southern border hit 2.1 million in 2024—the highest in a decade. Rubio’s team argues that fixing the region is the only way to fix those problems at home.
What Comes Next?
By late spring, the State Department plans to unveil the "Hemispheric Prosperity Initiative," a $1.2 billion package targeting infrastructure, digital governance, and anti-corruption reforms in partner nations. But here’s the catch: funding is conditional. Countries must sign bilateral security accords, extradite cartel members, and limit Chinese infrastructure contracts.
Mexico, notably absent from this trip, is expected to be the next target. President Claudia Sheinbaum, inaugurated October 1, 2024, has resisted U.S. pressure on cartel designations and extradition. With U.S. border security still fragile, that tension will only grow.
Historical Context: A New Chapter in a Long Story
The last time a Secretary of State prioritized Latin America on their first trip? 1912. Elihu Root, under President Taft, toured the Caribbean to secure canal rights and stabilize Haiti. Back then, it was about controlling territory. Today, it’s about controlling influence.
Rubio’s trip echoes Roosevelt’s "Big Stick" diplomacy—but with a 21st-century twist. Instead of gunboats, it’s data-sharing agreements. Instead of military bases, it’s 5G network partnerships. And instead of colonial oversight, it’s a transactional model: cooperation = investment. Resistance = isolation.
It’s a bold bet. Critics call it neo-imperialism. Supporters say it’s realism. Either way, the hemisphere is watching—and so is the world.
Frequently Asked Questions
Why did Rubio choose Central America over Europe or Asia for his first trip?
Rubio explicitly framed the choice as fulfilling President Trump’s "Americas First" mandate, arguing that decades of neglect in the Western Hemisphere allowed drug cartels and Chinese economic influence to grow unchecked. The U.S. spends more on security in the Middle East than in Latin America, despite fentanyl killing over 70,000 Americans annually—most linked to Mexican cartels. The trip was a deliberate signal that regional stability now takes priority over global theatres.
How is the Chinese Communist Party influencing Central America?
China has invested over $12 billion in Central American infrastructure since 2015, with major stakes in ports, highways, and telecoms. In Panama, Beijing holds a 35% stake in the Panama Canal’s logistics zones and has pushed for digital surveillance systems tied to its Huawei networks. The U.S. fears these projects enable espionage and economic leverage, turning sovereign states into dependencies. Rubio warned that such partnerships undermine U.S. trade routes and democratic norms.
What does designating cartels as terrorist organizations actually change?
It unlocks tools previously reserved for foreign terror groups: asset freezes, travel bans, and military-style raids. U.S. agencies can now target cartel bank accounts in third countries, and foreign banks that do business with them risk U.S. sanctions. It also allows for joint operations with Central American militaries under counterterrorism frameworks—something previously blocked by human rights concerns. The move has already led to 18 cartel financiers being frozen out of the global banking system.
Why wasn’t Mexico included in this trip?
Mexico was deliberately left out to signal disapproval of President Claudia Sheinbaum’s resistance to U.S. demands on cartel extraditions and anti-corruption reforms. The Trump administration is using "strategic absence" as leverage—offering cooperation only after Mexico aligns with U.S. security priorities. A separate delegation is expected to visit Mexico City in March, but only after a new extradition deal is signed.
How is this different from past U.S. policies in Latin America?
Past administrations focused on democracy promotion and humanitarian aid. Rubio’s approach is transactional: security cooperation = economic rewards; resistance = isolation. Unlike Obama’s "Engagement" or Biden’s "Partnership," this is a hard-nosed realpolitik strategy. It’s less about values and more about outcomes—specifically, reducing fentanyl flows and blocking Chinese infrastructure dominance. The shift reflects a broader global trend: diplomacy as a balance sheet, not a moral ledger.
What’s the long-term goal of the "Hemispheric Prosperity Initiative"?
The $1.2 billion initiative aims to create a U.S.-led economic bloc in the Americas, replacing Chinese investment with American infrastructure financing, digital governance tools, and energy partnerships. The goal is to make Central America so economically tied to the U.S. that turning to China becomes financially irrational. Success would mean a 30% increase in U.S. exports to the region by 2027 and a 50% drop in irregular migration—according to State Department projections.
